Thursday, 24 March 2011

MOD:Strike against Libyan Air Defence

The Chief of Defence Staff’s Strategic Communication Officer Major General John Lorimer said:
“British Armed Forces have again participated in a co-ordinated strike against Libyan Air Defence systems in support of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973.
“The UK launched guided Tomahawk Land Attack Missiles (TLAM) from a Trafalgar Class submarine at Air Defence targets as part of the coalition plan to enforce the resolution.
“Britain and her International partners remain engaged in Operations to support United Nations Security Resolution 1973, to enforce the established No Fly Zone and to ready the UK’s contribution to the NATO arms embargo of Libya.”

Tuesday, 22 March 2011

Military Intervention

Military Intervention

By Charles (Chip) Hauss

A generation ago, the terms "military intervention" and "conflict resolution" would almost never have been uttered in the same breath. The field of conflict resolution has its roots in the peace movements that dotted the 20th century, most of whose members found the use of force abhorrent. Militaries have intervened in the domestic affairs of other countries time and time again, but rarely have they done so in an attempt to end a complex emergency or intractable conflict -- until recently.

What Is Military Intervention?

There are many forms of military intervention. Until the last decade or so, military force was used most often to achieve a state's geopolitical goals of protecting and/or enhancing its territory, population, and other critical resources.

It was rare for states or international organizations (IOs) to use force for "humanitarian" purposes in the intractable conflicts that are often euphemistically called "complex emergencies." Even less common was the use of armed forces in operations that were intended to resolve the conflict once and for all. At most, lightly armed troops were used in peacekeeping operations once a ceasefire had already been reached.

Since the close of the cold war, military intervention for humanitarian ends and conflict resolution has increased dramatically. This can include the use of troops in traditionally unconventional ways such as disaster relief, for example, when the United States sent troops to help Hondurans recover from a devastating hurricane in the 1990s. Far more common and far more controversial is the use of combat troops to help end the fighting in an intractable conflict, troops which typically stay on in a far more active peacemaking capacity than tradition "blue helmet" peacekeepers did.

Why Military Intervention Is Important -- and Controversial

There is no doubt that the use of force by the international community in such places as Kosovo and Somalia was an important part of the development of peacebuilding in the 1990s. There is also little doubt that the failure to intervene effectively in Rwanda, Chechnya, and elsewhere made intractable conflicts worse than they otherwise would have been. Finally, there is little doubt that the international community has a lot to learn about how to conduct such operations.

In short, there are four central questions here.

First, why does military intervention occur in some cases but not others?

o To begin with, intervention by outside forces is all but completely ruled out when one of the world's major powers opposes such intervention, as is the case with the Russians in Chechnya.

o At the same time, in order to intervene, the major powers -- whose military resources are almost always needed in any significant deployment -- have to agree either that there are overwhelming humanitarian needs or that intervention is necessary to protect their own interests. The United States, for example, decided against intervening on those grounds in most of the major sub-Saharan crises from 1993 on.

o Finally, the potential interveners have to conclude that their intervention is likely to succeed, especially following the debacle in Somalia in 1993.

That leads to the second question: what determines whether an intervention will succeed or fail? Success, of course, is relative. Most interventions, however, have at least one common goal -- ending the short-term crisis. Interventions in such different places as Kosovo and East Timor have helped end humanitarian disasters in which the stronger side in a dispute viciously abused the human rights (and worse) of their weaker adversaries.

Third, there is the very open question about whether an intervention can be turned into an operation that can later lead to stable peace. That is especially problematic when the intervention involves outsiders coming in to promote the interests of the weaker side of an asymmetrical conflict.

Implicit in the first three questions is a fourth, about the relationship between states whose military forces intervene and the NGOs who have long provided relief and other aid to civilians caught up in the fighting. As put forth most forcefully by the journalist David Rieff, many of those NGOs have abandoned their traditional and, in his eyes, vital political neutrality in order to get the funds and the influence that cooperation with states provide, thereby diluting their own long-term impact.[1]

What Average Citizens Can Do

This is one of those aspects of intractable conflict that average citizens can contribute little to, at least directly. That said, there does need to be a debate about what intervention policy should be in the countries that provide the most foreign aid and that also provide the most troops for military intervention. Unfortunately, very few people currently pay much attention to foreign policy in general, let alone the politics of the third world, where many intractable conflicts occur these days.

The debate, of course, needs to be about far more than just military intervention. The world has seen two major upheavals in barely a decade -- the end of the cold war and the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. Each should be leading us to question previously unquestioned assumptions about foreign policy, including the role of the military and the relationship between states and NGOs.

What States Can Do

On one level, this is obvious. There can be no military intervention unless states commit their troops. On another level, what states can do and should do is anything but obvious. One does not have to go as far as Rieff with his wholesale condemnation of contemporary humanitarian action to realize that we have entered a new period in international relations in which national sovereignty matters less than it used to and it is harder to define what a state's national interests or humanitarian obligations are. One of the consequences of the rapid and sweeping change is that the handful of major powers have all had a hard time determining what their role should be in dealing with intractable conflicts. In some cases -- as in Rwanda -- their uncertainty has had tragic consequences.

What the International Community Can Do

The very use of the term "international community" is a sign of how much things have changed in a few short years. The term could not have been used during the cold war when the superpower rivalry meant that no real community could exist that included "East" and "West." And, as Rieff properly points out, there really is no such thing as the international community today other than the United Nations and other relatively weak institutions.

Nonetheless, it is probably the case that the greatest potential for using military force as part of the resolution of intractable conflict lies at the international level. As the debates about the War on Terrorism or the possible acquisition of weapons of mass destruction by Iraq and North Korea attests, when a single state like the United States intervenes, it invariably is accused of pursuing its own parochial or selfish interests.

On the other hand, if the intervention is authorized by the United Nationsand involves a multinational force, it invariably has more legitimacy. What's more, it is harder to be critical of the links between the NGOs and the United Nations and other international organizations, since they have long worked hand-in-hand on development and other projects.

It is in this context that support for permanent international forces has grown. The most important of these are the calls for the creation of a permanent United Nations peacekeeping force. This is particularly important because once a humanitarian crisis breaks out, the United Nations then has to solicit troops from member states, which can delay their deployment by months. Once they are deployed, it is hard to coordinate the action of troops who have never worked with each other before.

It is unlikely that such a force will be created anytime soon. There simply is too much opposition from the major powers, especially the United States. However, by the end of 2003, the European Union will have a rapid-reaction force of about 60,000 troops which will be prepared to deploy anywhere within 2,500 miles of Brussels and remain in place for as long as a year without any troop rotation.

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[1] David Rieff, A Bed for the Night. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2002).

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Use the following to cite this article:

Hauss, Charles (Chip). "Military Intervention." Beyond Intractability. Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Research Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: August 2003 .

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Sources of Additional, In-depth Information on this Topic

Additional Explanations of the Underlying Concepts:

Online (Web) Sources

Calhoun, Laurie. "Killing, Letting Die, and the Alleged Necessity of Military Intervention." Peace and Conflict Studies, Vol. 8, No. 2 , November 1, 2001

Available at: http://www.gmu.edu/academic/pcs/Cal82PCS.htm.

This chapter uses the two dominant paradigms for writing about war--just war theory and utilitarianism--to consider some key questions about "humanitarian" or military intervention. The author discusses questions such as: "Are purely military forms of "humanitarian intervention" sometimes morally required? Can such military missions be reconciled with the widely held belief in the moral distinction between killing and letting die?"

Krisch, Nico. "Legality, Morality, and the Dilemma of Humanitarian Intervention after Kosovo -- REVIEW ESSAY." European Journal of International Law, 1900.

Available at: http://www.ejil.org/journal/Vol13/No1/br1.pdf.

The essay reviews five recent works on humanitarian intervention which shed light on central questions of the debate: Simon Chesterman's 'Just War or Just Peace,' Christine Gray's 'International Law and the Use of Force,'Nikolaos Tsagourias's 'Jurisprudence of International Law,' Nicholas Wheeler's 'Saving Strangers,' and finally 'The Kosovo War and International Law.' The authors, mainly international lawyers but also scholars of international relations, philosophy and sociology, mainly agree that in positive international law, even after Kosovo, no right to unilateral humanitarian intervention has emerged.

Offline (Print) Sources

Rieff, David. A Bed for the Night: Humanitarianism in Crisis . New York: Simon and Schuster, October 1, 2002.

A damning attack on humanitarian action--including aspects of military intervention--by one of America's best and most controversial war correspondents.

Wheeler, Nicholas J. "A Solidarist Moment in International Society? The Case of Safe Havens and No-Fly Zones in Iraq." In Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.

This chapter examines the legitimization given for intervention on behalf of Shiites and Kurds after the Gulf War and whether it was effective.

Toscano, R. "An Answer to War: Conflicts and Intervention in Contemporary International Relations ." In The Handbook of Interethnic Coexistence. Edited by Weiner, Eugene, ed. New York: Continuum Publishing, 1998.

The author begins by noting that conflict theorists must shift their attention away from theoretical frameworks such as game theory, weapons systems and the "theology of deterrence, and instead focus on the mechanisms that can cause, prevent or stop conflicts. He suggests that theorists should recognize the polycentric, puralistic nature of many contemporary conflicts. Click here for more info.

Smith, Gordon and John Hay. "Canada and the Crisis in Eastern Zaire." In Herding Cats: Multiparty Mediation in a Complex World. Edited by Crocker, Chester A., Fen Osler Hampson and Pamela Aall, eds. Washington DC: USIP Press, 1999.

"The object in this chapter is to explain how Canada, of all countries, came therefore to take the lead in attempting an armed intervention in eastern Zaire. It will describe the challenges of middle-power management of a multistate coalition, the confusion of facts on the ground in a complex emergency, and the lessons that might flow from the ambiguous conclusion of this unusual episode."

Regan, Patrick. "Conditions of Successful Third-Party Intervention in Intrastate Conflicts." Journal of Conflict Resolution 40:2, June 1996.

This article uses data on all third-party interventions into intrastate conflicts since 1944 to assess historical patterns of intervention strategies and assess their relative success. Based on this assessment, the author develops some guidelines for future interventions. The author concludes that it is the characteristics of the intervention strategy rather than he characteristics of the conflict that determine the success of intervention.

Downs, George W. and Stephen John Stedman. "Evaluating Issues in Peace Implementation." In Ending Civil Wars: The Implementation of Peace Agreements. Edited by Cousens, Elizabeth M., Donald S. Rothchild and Stephen John Stedman, eds. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reiner Publishers, January 1, 2002.

This introductory chapter to the book, Ending Civil Wars, establishes some of the key variables that affect the success of peace agreements. Downs and Stedman argue push for a more limited role for the Security Council and the UN. The core of their argument revolves around the high level of complexity of each case and the importance of major or regional powers in ensuring the viability of the peace agreements.

Wheeler, Nicholas J. "From Famine Reliefe to 'Humanitarian War': The US and UN Intervention in Somalia." In Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.

This chapter examines international motivations behind the intervention, the content of UN resolutions and their lessons, as well as whether the intervention was legitimate.

Wheeler, Nicholas J. "Global Bystander to Genocide: International Society and the Rwandan Genocide of 1994." In Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.

This chapter examines whether earlier intervention would have been beneficial, why the UN pulled out, the significance of labeling it genocide.

Wheeler, Nicholas J. "Good or Bad Precedent? Tanzania's Intervention in Uganda." In Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.

This chapter examines the case for Tanzania's intervention being considered a humanitarian one as well as the international response to it.

Aall, Pamela, Lt. Col. Daniel Miltenberger and Thomas G. Weiss. Guide to IGOs, NGOs, and the Military in Peace and Relief Operations. Herndon, VA: USIP Press, November 1, 2000.

This book explains the roles, organizational cultures, and structures of inter-governmental organizations, non-governmental organizations, and militaries. It argues that the increased understanding of the three basic types of international peace building actors offered in the book will assist people in one sort of organization to understand and work with people in other sorts of organizations during peace operations. Click here for more info.

Wheeler, Nicholas J. "India as Rescuer? Order versus Justic in the Bangladesh War of 1971." In Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.

The chapter makes the case that India's intervention in Bangladesh meets minimum standards for humanitarian intervention. It goes on to examine why much of the world rejected this view.

Crocker, Chester A. "Intervention: Toward Best Practices and a Holistic View." In Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict. Edited by Aall, Pamela, Fen Osler Hampson and Chester A. Crocker, eds. Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, September 2001.

This chapter is grounded in the idea that most contemporary conflicts will require some form of intervention from outside, third-party forces in order to control and settle them. THerefre, the chapter covers a variety of conflict types and situations in which third parties intervened. The aim is to try and flesh out a set of "best practices" for: different third party intervenors; for the use of certain technologies; for intervention in various types of societies; and for intervention at certain points of the conflict cycle.

Freedman, Lawrence. "Interventionist Strategies and the Changing Use of Force." In Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict. Edited by Hampson, Fen Osler, Chester A. Crocker and Pamela Aall, eds. Herndon, VA: USIP Press, July 1, 2001.

This chapter discusses the manner in which new technology influences the West's approach to intervention and the use of force. Much of the article focuses on the notion of a "revolution in military affairs". This is generally the idea that new technology allows precise targeting of the enemies' military establishment and the limitation of unecessary casualties and destruction.

Yost, David S. NATO Transformed: The Alliance's New Roles in International Security. Herndon, VA: United States Institute of Peace Press, November 1999.

NATO Transformed provides a comprehensive survey and analysis of the current debate on the alliance's enlargement and its new cooperative security institutions, including the Partnership for Peace and the special consultative forums with Russia and Ukraine, and the demands of crisis management and peacekeeping operations beyond NATO territory.

Kaufman, Chaim. "Possible and Impossible Solutions to Ethnic Civil Wars." International Security 20:4, 1996.

This paper develops a theory on how ethnic wars end and then goes on to present a strategy for international military intervention to stop ethnic conflicts and prevent future violence. The final part of the paper considers the moral and political stakes in humanitarian intervention in ethnic conflicts.

Luttwak, Edward. "The Curse of Inconclusive Intervention." In Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict. Edited by Hampson, Fen Osler, Chester A. Crocker and Pamela Aall, eds. Herndon, VA: USIP Press, July 1, 2001.

With this chapter, the author argues that wars should not be interrupted by outsiders because left alone, they will eventually burn themselves out. The logic is that outside forces introduce new motivations and resources, while if left to their own, the original parties would eventually fight themselves to a point where the war is no longer worth it and peace would ensue.

Hoffman, Stanley. "The Debate About Intervention." In Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict. Edited by Hampson, Fen Osler, Chester A. Crocker and Pamela Aall, eds. Herndon, VA: USIP Press, July 1, 2001.

This chapter explores the arguments for and against, as well as the political and ethical issues raised by, humanitarian intervention. One considering points from both sides of the debate, the author presents his argument in favor of foreign military intervention into internal conflicts.

Carment, David and Patrick James. "Two-Level Games and Third-Party Intervention: Evidence from Ethnic Conflict in the Balkans and South Asia." Canadian Journal of Political Science 29:3, 1900.

This article uses game theory to examine the impact of ethnicity on third-party intervention. Evidence from the Balkans war and Indo-Sri Lankan conflict show how heads of state must coordinate actions at two different levels of bargaining, which correspond to domestic politics and international negotiation.

Reifschneider, Jennifer, Paul R. Hensel and Paul F. Diehl. "United Nations Intervention and Recurring Conflict." International Organization 50:4, 1996.

This article examines the dramatic post-Cold War increase in the number and forms of United Nations intervention into ongoing conflicts. The research presented in this paper attempts to analyze the longer-term impacts of UN intervention on the relationships between the antagonists and the potential for renewed violence in the future.

Haass, Richard N. "Using Force: Lessons and Choices for U.S. Foreign Policy." In Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict. Edited by Crocker, Chester A., Fen Osler Hampson and Pamela Aall, eds. Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press, September 2001.

This chapter discusses the options the United States has to choose from when deciding whether to exercise its military strength ofr the purpose of intervention. The author discusses the various forms that military intervention can take, outlining the characteristics of the following options: classic scenarios, preventive interventions, internal interventions, nation-building, safe havens, and peacemaking and coercive interventions. The option to conduct interventions unilaterally or multilaterally is also covered.

Wheeler, Nicholas J. "Vietnam's Intervention in Cambodia: The Triumph of Realism over Common Humanity?." In Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.

This chapter examines the intervention exploring why Vietnam did not seek to couch it in humanitarian terms but some in the international community tried to frame it this way nonetheless.

Saturday, 12 March 2011

Hanan Habibzai: Afghanistan, The Music of War

Tribal Musicians caught up as militancy increases in khyber pakhtunkhwa

By Hanan Habibzai

Veterans Today Afghanistan Bureau

Music shops in Peshawar are now struggling to stay open as the Taliban’s influence on daily life continues to spread further into government-controlled areas.

One such shop owner, Shaid Gul who used to own a chain of music shops across the tribal areas, has been forced to close all of his outlets.

‘Now, our business has been ruined, Gul says. ‘’Our branches in Tal, Parra Chinar, Hango, Deera Ismail Khan and Kohat regions have been ruined. We also lost our branch in Sawat region. Our business remainss very small about 20 % of our business has survived’’, he said.

Even here in Peshawar, the capital city of the tribal areas, things are not safe. In May 2009 the cinema next to Shaid Gul’s shop was virtually destroyed by a car bomb that also killed eight people. The militants are targeting films and music and everything they see as obscene. Many people are no longer playing music in their cars for fear of the reprisals if they get caught.

Salamat Khan is a taxi driver in Peshawar. He says, ‘’ I love music, but I fear religious groups who are active here, may stop and punish me”, Khan added.

For over 50 years Khyal Mohammed, known as the king of Pashto Ghazal music, has made a living signing for his fellow Pashtuns. He has recorded thousands of songs, appeared in many movies and used to travel out to villages in the tribal areas to perform live at weddings and other celebrations. Now he hardly ventures out of the compound where he lives for fear for his safety.

‘’Things are much worse now than the time when the Taliban were ruling Afghanistan’’, Khyal Mohammed says. ‘’ Nowadays the atmosphere for music is not good in the. Everyone feels uncertain whether he can return safe home. Some say when you go outside do prayer before it and when get return do prayer for your safe return so this is our situation”, Khyal added.

As with many things in this part if the world it is the women who suffer the most. Twenty eight year old Noor Jehan is one of only a handful of Pashtun female singers. She was brought up in a tribal family near the Afghanistan border. ‘’We follow the ethics of art and traditional sensitivity to an extreme, yet our society is not ready to accept us,’’ Jehan says.

We work very limited. The situation is very bad. Sometime I think we should leave this business but we are obliged to continue to make a living ‘NoorJehan added.

The insecurity is a widespread concern for Zeek Afridi,the man who recently brought about western style rock music and fusions.“Local people love to pin their ears back to music, even some Taliban are covertly listening music but they hate musicians,” he says.

‘’People are using Taliban names; some of them are systematic criminals who are kidnapping people for money. Several artists either forced to leave the country or quit their art”, Zeek added.’’

The tribal region is a stronghold for local Taliban. In several areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the Taliban have either established total control and introduced their kind of own version of Sharia judiciary system or run a similar government providing justice through mobile courts and imposing taxes. A local film director Sajad Toro said ‘’as situation deteriorates the panic increases’’.

The situation in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is deteriorating; on-going chaos in tribal regions and North Waziristan continues to fear government and security officials too. This is a clear indication of the volatility in the region.

Pakistani government deployed tens of thousands military personnel near border with Afghanistan in order to control the situation but so far they have been largely unsuccessful control the militancy there.

Afghanistan is virtually accusing Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency of being behind the attacks in Afghanistan. These accusations have over shadowed the relations between both the neighbouring countries.

However, recently there have appeared some signs of improvement in their relations as a result of peace talks between the two countries.

Islamabad expresses support to president Karzai’s efforts in harmonising the relations of the two countries. Meanwhile Western allies in Afghanistan have hinted a backing for these peace talks which may turn Afghan Taliban into a legitimate political movement in the country.



Cricket is getting nationalized in Afghanistan

By Hanan Habibzai

In aftermath of Taliban regime in 2001 Afghanistan’s capital ‘Kabul’ gradually becomes a city of foreign intercourse, and also a city of military decisions. The phrases like, the fall of Taliban, new Afghan friends and western allies were the topic of media and statesmen. Apparently, they were speaking the end of war, but behind the doors Kabul was a place for remapping military surges.

Taj Malik was struggling to fund a national cricket team for Afghanistan. “We were struggling in the beginning but Olympic Committee denied our application” ‘he says.

“The Olympic Committee associates cricket to the Taliban. I told them this is not a Taliban game this is an international game. Yet they replied, “We call it Taliban game because the idea of cricket has come from Pakistan to Afghanistan just like the Taliban did”, Mr Malik added.

Taj Malik succeeded to meet president Karzai following his rejection by the Afghan Olympic officials in the middle of 2002. Karzai agreed to receive his application for approval of national team. Taj finally got cricket recognised in Afghanistan as an official game. “I promised president Karzai that we will defeat big teams soon, he encouraged me and signed the papers”, he adds.

Cricket has been played in Afghanistan since the mid-19th century, but it is only in recent years that the national team qualified for one-day-international or ODI. Worth noting that the Afghan Cricket Federation was formally formed in 1995 during Taliban regime and became an affiliate member of the ICC in 2002 and a member of ACC since 2003.

The facilities in Kabul were so bad, obviously, and Afghanistan was unprepared to accept cricket as a national game because there were no single purpose-built stadium. Meanwhile insecurity is still increasingly widespread which discourages the spectators to come to a cricket match held anywhere in the country.

Following the formation of the national cricket team in 2001 it played in 2009 World Cup Qualifier series. On February 13, 2010, the Afghan cricket team qualified for the 2010 ICC World Twenty20, the team’s first major tournament and one of the major events in the sports history of Afghanistan.

The 33year old Taj spent much of his life dragging his players to attract national and international attention. The concept of a national cricket team in Afghanistan started as millions of Afghan refugees returned from neighbouring Pakistan. “We had spirit and faith to achieve the national goal”’ Taj said in an exclusive interview with the author of this article.

“We are inspired from 1987 cricket game between England and Pakistan; we bought cricket kits and started to play. In five years we improved our talent. We started to compare our young cricket club with big ones”, said Taj Malik.

Mr Malik is optimistic that Afghanistan will have a powerful cricket team in the next few years. “Our country is a war zone right now, in spite of that we still worked hard and our struggle has succeeded. We do not have a standard cricket ground, with very limited facilities we achieved many successes, you see in Afghanistan cricket is turning into a national game. Young people are very interested’’, he said.

When Afghans were witnessing US-led invasion and the fall of Taliban regime, Taj Malik was wandering to insure a role model for new Afghan generation, which he did.

After ten years, today his team is inspiring youths across the war torn country and many teenage Afghans hoping to be the future players.

That said despite war and political instability in the country the Afghan government plans to develop the sports as ICC urged on Karzai regime to be prepared for cricket game.



REMEMBER THE MASSACRED PRISONERS

By Hanan Habibzai


The war in Afghanistan has entered its 10th year, a year of both stalemate and suffering.Everyone is thirsty to see peace and stability in his or her environment across Afghanistan but they are not sure.  Even the idea of peace carries great danger.
“If the war criminals who tried to destroy innocent families who worked with the Taliban gain power, returning to peace will be impossible,’ said 23 year old Jailani.
His father was amongst those Taliban prisoners who were captured in Kundoz province in October 2001 never to be seen again. Jailani was 13 when his father Shah Ghasi left him behind along with his mother and elderly grandmother.
‘He was working at the provincial police headquarter when the Taliban decided to surrender Kundoz to US backed Northern Alliance forces.  American air power had made holding this region untenable for the Taliban.
“Later we have been told that my father has taken to Shaberghan but he never returned,” he said.Jailani can’t dare to go outside his village in Kundoz which he doesn’t want to be named. ‘My father was serving with Taliban regime to bring us food’, he says.
‘The people who killed my father are in power, I don’t think there would be a peace until these foes are using official status to suppress their rivals’, Jailani was speaking via telephone.
(Please note ironic introduction)
Every day events are shaping the public views; even recently President Karzai admits that the Taliban are ‘fighting for patriotism’. In a press conference on 12th April 2011 he clearly indicated that ‘with small weaponry Taliban are getting around by foot, they don’t come by tanks, vehicles, or airplanes so it is a war of patriotism,’ he said.
This time President Karzai tried to question what has now become an international war a different way.Karzai recently witnessed the killing of nine children in Kunar province as well as the publication of tragic images of death bodies of Afghan civilians in ‘Rolling Stone’ which influenced his opinion.

Karzai is becoming a more reluctant ally of NATO.


NATO has no other role than to defend Hamid Karzai’s regime and they are finding that increasingly impossible.They are fighting against the Taliban to increase the rule of Karzai’s government across the country.
With all their war technology from around the world, NATO’s efforts have been more than unsuccessful and pushing the Taliban out of the country. One decade’s presence in Afghanistan means bloodshed but no achievement.
Thousands of Afghans who died following the US-invasion of Afghanistan were alive during the Taliban regime, and at least they were bringing food for their kids. Today, thousands of their remnants including children remain between the death and life. The poverty, injustice, state corruption and violence badly shake and distress them.
Now, after a decade of war and bloodshed everyone is talking about negotiation with the Taliban whose regime had been removed ten years ago by US-led military invasion. Thousands of Taliban prisoners have been brutally massacred in the north, and many other have been tortured in connection with their resistance to what they believe to be a foreign invasion.
However negotiations and peace talks are good things but what about the atrocities, massacre and bloodsheds? Who will pay the price? Will there be an accounting?  Will there be justice?
At this point, if I return to Jailani; I may face thousands of other Jailanis who are unlikely to forget the injustice of those who killed their loved ones. “Those who massacred thousands including my father are a small group that holds power in Afghanistan. They are few people who divided official posts within themselves and are using the authority against the nation.”
“I remind those involved in the peace talks of our blood, if they forget it you will never see the peace agreement and a return to permanent welfare in the country,” he added.
The people of Afghanistan want peace but, after ten years of war, they aren’t willing to walk away with nothing.  If you ask an ordinary Afghan, you will hear.  Peace is desired, peace is wanted above all but peace will not come without justice.
The people of Afghanistan will no longer allow themselves to be ruled by the corrupt, by war criminals, will no longer all themselves to live in poverty and desperation while others grow rich and fat through theft.

Tuesday, 8 March 2011

Afghan activists:Afghan Civilians Intentionally Targeted by NATO/ISAF Forces

This article has been signed by several Afghan anti-war organisations and human rights activists based in Europe,America and Canada. Afghans for Peace,Afghan Youth ,Peace Volunteers,Afghan Canadian Student Association,Afghan Perspectives.

Careful examination of numerous reports, and images/video footage, along with eye-witness and victim testimonies, clarify that Afghan civilians are the main targets of deadly attacks by North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). Although the Coalition forces claim that previous civilian massacres were accidental, Afghan-led peace movements believe that the killings are at best negligent to at worst intentional in nature.

Foreign military presence and intervention in the past ten years has worsened the Afghanistan situation while civilian casualties have increasingly created tension between the Coaliton forces, the Afghan government, and the people of Afghanistan. These events have further brought into perspective the sheer human and material damages of the war. No one should become accustomed to or believe in this illogical method of bombing the country to peace.

This mentality is not justifiable and should not be the norm. Acts of violence must always be questioned. The people of Afghanistan want justice and accountability. Not surprisingly, they get the usual response from NATO – an initial denial of civilian casualties, a shift of blame on insurgency, occasional investigations with an admittance to a tweaked number of civilian deaths, and rarely a contrived apology. This has become a wanton pattern. Explaining away repeated deadly civilian attacks as “mistakes” is unacceptable. Furthermore, this proves that the military solution to Afghanistan is not a viable option.

 NATO-led forces are equipped with the most advanced technology with the capability of zooming in on even the smallest of objects with precise vision. This begs the question as to why so many civilians are dying. To put it into perspective, below is a compiled short summary of recent NATO attacks:

It was reported that a total of three civilian atrocities were committed by the Coalition forces within the last two weeks. The correct estimate is actually four.

• Alahsay district of Kapisa province (5 civilians) Feb 17, 2011

• Khoygani District of Nangarhar province (6 civilians) Feb 20, 2011

• Ghazi Abad District of Kunar province (60+ civilians) Four Day Operation February 17/18/19 (different reports)

• Mountains of Nanglam in Kunar province (9 children/boys) March 1st, 2011

In Kapisa province on Thursday February 17th, Alahsay district Governor Mohammed Omari confirmed that five civilians were killed by an air strke from the NATO-led ISAF. The five civilians- three of them adult males and two children ages 12 and 13 – were reportedly without meat for the last few months and were desperate to hunt, hence why they were carrying bird hunting equipment.

In Nangarhar province on February 20th, an entire family of six was killed by a NATO air strike into their home in the Khoygani district. A photo captured by Reuters shows that the missile directly hit the roof of the family’s home. The parents and their four children were all inside when the reportedly stray missile landed in their residential community. The father was a soldier for the Afghan National Army who died of excessive bleeding after troops delayed his arrival to a hospital.

After a four day operation by ISAF and NATO in the Ghazi Abad District of Kunar over 65 civilians were killed, and this was confirmed by the governor of the province. More than half of the casualties were women and children. Contrary to the abundant evidence, NATO claimed no civilians were killed and later insisted that insurgents were among the deceased, although villagers rejected this assertion.

Two reports from the Afghan investigation team:

“As soon as the villagers heard the shooting and planes roaring overhead, they all struggled to take refuge in an old trench that was used by the mujahedeen during jihad [against the Russians].”

“Those who succeeded in reaching the trenches were killed when the trench collapsed after it was hit by rockets or bombs being fired from coalition helicopters,” he said. “Those who were on their way to the trench were killed by rockets or bullets. I visited the trench. I saw old, dried blood. I saw women and children’s garments. I saw blood-stained walls of the trench. I saw pieces of blankets and cotton from the quilts the villagers wrapped themselves in because of the cold weather.”

In an attempt to hide the news story ISAF detained two Al Jazeera journalists, Abdullah Nizami and Saeedullah Sahel during the investigation of the Kunar massacre. Samer Alawi, the Al Jazeera bureau chief in Kabul, strongly described the detentions of Nizami and Seedullah as repressive acts since it kept them from reporting. Another report released this past month by Columbia Journalism Review, has documented the difficulty of reporting honest accounts of the Afghanistan war.

On March 1st, NATO helicopters killed 9 Afghan boys, and injured one. This occurred without any warning signals as the children were targeted “one after another”. Aged seven to nine years old, the boys were from poor families, and were collecting firewood in the mountains. This is once again an attack on the young children of Kunar. How is it that NATO soldiers, again, confused children for insurgents, and this time by gunfire?

General David H. Petraeus apologized for this killing, yet regarding the previous attack in Kunar (that killed over 65 civilians), he erroneously accused the Afghan parents of intentionally burning their children due to cultural practices of discipline. Hamid Karzai’s spokesman Waheed Omar described the US Generals comments as being “outrageous, insulting and racist.” Karzai, himself, has rejected the apology. Mohammed Bismil, the brother of two of the boys killed, did not care for Petraeus’ apology but said, “The only option I have is to pick up a Kalashnikov, RPG [rocket-propelled grenade] or a suicide vest to fight.”

The father of two of the boys killed cried, “They don’t value humanity and don’t care about our children.”

Waheed Mujda, an Afghan political analyst stated that, “[for international forces], Afghan people’s blood is of no value. For the Americans, apologising for a mistake is a very big deal but for Afghans it is not. ISAF troop actions that raise anger among Afghans are a major reason for people joining the insurgents or Taliban.”

These are the four war crimes committed by the Coalition forces in the past two weeks. Victimization and the feeling of betrayal continues to spread all across Afghanistan.

While this article initially started on the four recent attacks by NATO, it is important to look at the previous events as well. In doing so, we realize that these are not isolated incidents or simply negligence but an ongoing pattern of the failures of the “military solution to Afghanistan”.

Apologies from the Coalition, as rare as they are, mean little to nothing to Afghans. Months earlier in 2010, after initially choosing not to investigate, NATO forces offered an apology for killing a fourteen year old girl. Her father Mohammad Karim simply responded, “Now, what should I do with ‘sorry’?”

Earlier in Nangarhar, in May 2010, when NATO soldiers raided a home shooting at least nine civilians indiscriminately, a mourner said:

“If the Americans do this again, we are ready to shed our blood fighting them. We would rather die than sit by and do nothing. If there was anyone here trying to destroy our country, we would capture them and hand them over to the government. It is our land and our duty to defend it against both foreigners and insurgent infiltrators.”

He spoke further on this by saying, “If the military keeps doing this, the people will go into the mountains to fight them. When I saw my daughter injured, all I could think about was putting on a suicide jacket.”

Last month was the one year anniversary of the killing of two pregnant mothers, men and a teenage girl by a NATO night raid. In an attempt to cover it up, the US forces literally dug the bullets out of the victims bodies. In a Democracy Now interview Glenn Greenwald said, “Here you have an incident that we know about only because of sheer luck with the determination of a single reporter, and again the military lying about what took place.” A recent report on survivors of night raids gives a close look at how foreign troops justify killing civilians. One witness of night raids, Anwar Ul Haq, said, “Whenever they shoot or kill anybody, they call him al Qaeda whether he is or not.”

Without regard for civilians, the Tarok Kolache village in Afghanistan’s Arghandab River Valley was completely destroyed with 25 tons of bombs. Is the destruction of entire villages, which are the support system for the majority of Afghans, a logical tactic in counter-insurgency? Clearly, the Afghans who have suffered due to this disagree. A farmer of the Arghandab district asked “Why do you have to blow up so many of our fields and homes?”, while one angry villager accused the military of ruining his life after the demolition.

In addition to witness and victim testimonies, the Coalition forces themselves have made eye-opening revelations on the target killings of civilians. In September 2010, it was revealed that a dozen US soldiers faced charges in their involvement of not only killing innocent Afghan civilians at random for sport, but also collecting the victims finger bones, leg bones, teeth, and skulls as trophies. The military refuses to release photos that show US soldiers posing with naked, mutilated and charred corpses of their victims. Sound familiar? The father of one of the victims killed was quoted as saying, “The Americans really love to kill innocent people.” In fact, they had planned on killing more civilians had it not been for one soldier, Spc. Adam Winfield, and his father who tried relentlessly to blow the whistle. He had said his squad leader “gives high-fives to the guy who kills innocent people and plans more with him.- I have proof that they are planning another one in the form of an AK-47 (machine gun) they want to drop on another guy.”

Instead of honoring Winfield for exposing the truth, he was instead charged with the same crimes. His father had reported Winfeld’s statements to Army officials, but they turned a blind eye. One can’t help but to wonder whether the killing of civilians for sport is more abhorrent or the apparent negligence and silence by the higher ups in the Armed forces.

Speaking of higher ups in the Armed forces, General Mattis, who replaced Petreaus as chief of US Central Command, said “Its fun to kill people…it’s a hell of a lot of fun to shoot [Afghans].” He continued: “Actually, it’s a lot of fun to fight. You know, it’s a hell of a hoot. It’s fun to shoot some people. I’ll be right upfront with you, I like brawling.” A bit later he spoke of the “emotional satisfaction you may get from really whacking somebody.”‘ He reportedly even told his troops to “have a plan to kill everybody you meet.”

Afghans have been resisting this dehumanizing way of life where they are regarded as savages or merely objects to be killed for sport. A recent poll conducted in Afghanistan shows that more than half of the Afghans interviewed believed NATO-led forces should begin withdrawing from the country in mid-2011 or sooner. Afghans no longer want anything from NATO but to simply leave. Massive protests and demonstrations against the Coalition following recent attacks are now erupting throughout Afghanistan in cities like Kunar, Kabul city and Nanglam, where Afghan demonstrators have been marching in streets chanting, “death to the invaders” and “We don’t want the invading forces.” Another man explained, “We say to ISAF that revenge is part of our culture. We say to our leaders, our government, that this kind of violence should be investigated. Those responsible should be punished.” A woman held a placard that read, “Occupation = Killing + Destruction.” In one demonstration, angry protesters burned a pile of blankets, clothing, and other items donated by Coaltion troops. An independent member in the legislature, Ramazan Bashardost, said “These killings must be stopped or the people will rise against foreigners and we will stand by them.”

Civilians fear not only NATO and ISAF but also suicide bombings by Armed Opposition Groups. Simultaneously with the terror by Coalition forces, recent suicide blasts have taken the lives of around 100 Afghan civilians.

The almost decade long war and occupation has done more harm than good, escalating violence in Afghanistan to its peak, and continues to deteriorate chances of peace for the future. Afghanistan has already been subjected to previous decades of war and now each new generation is haunted with both the memory and reality of endless bloodshed, death, and misery. The fact remains that Afghans continue to live with hunger and worsening poverty, torture and humiliation, planted with weapons, escalating air strikes and night raids.

The responsibility lies on the Afghan government, Taliban, warlords, and especially NATO/ISAF forces, including top commanders like General Petreaus, who must be brought by the people of Afghanistan and the world through a judicial process to account for their crimes, failed military solutions, and indiscriminate killings. Instead, the corrupt system in power continues to leave Afghans helpless and without a voice, and has them convinced that they are incapable of self-determination. However, it must not be forgotten that Afghanistan has a long history of independence and are more than capable of running their affairs. It is vitally important to listen to Afghans. It is the right of the people to decide the fate of their country and there are no exceptions. With the recent revolts in Arab countries, it’s only a matter of time before Afghans follow their lead. This requires immediate change and an honest vision for a truly democratic Afghanistan. In doing so, we must be aware of the ground realities, namely the presence of NATO, Taliban, warlords as well as regional intervention.

Global Afghan-led peace groups such as Afghans for Peace (AFP), Afghan Youth Peace Volunteers (AYPV), and the Afghan Canadian Student Association (ACSA) stand in solidarity with the people of Afghanistan in their struggle for justice and freedom. They fully acknowledge and strongly condemn these cruel, targeted massacres of innocent human life. AFP, AYPV and ACSA calls on the people of the world, especially Afghans, to rightfully demand an end to this illegal war and occupation. When children are being killed one by one, as was the case in Kunar last week, all of humanity suffers. When civilians have become the targets, it is time for everyone to stand up.





Monday, 7 March 2011

Report:female journalists encounter ranging of discrimination

To mark International Women’s Day today, Reporters Without Borders is releasing a report on the problems of women who work as journalists. It reaffirms several important principles, contains interviews with women journalists throughout the world and describes all the different problems they encounter, ranging from everyday discrimination to the most tragic forms of violence.

« The role of women in the media and the protection of women journalists are key issues for reinforcing media freedom and diversity of opinions. In some countries, women are excluded from the media but in others they have made significant progress. A great deal of effort is nonetheless needed to ensure real equality in a profession still largely dominated by men. The place of women in the media is still a reflection of their place in society,”

 Reporters Without Borders secretary-general Jean-François Julliard said. “They often run greater risks than men and have to deal with a great deal of prejudice. Certain regions of the world need particular attention as regards the protection of women who work as journalists.”

More and more women have been joining the ranks of journalists in the past 20 years but they still tend to occupy the lowliest jobs within the profession, with executive and editorial positions usually continuing to be the preserve of men. This clearly has an effect on the vision of the world reflected by the media. It is still a largely male world, one from which women are excluded, a world of men made by men.

In many countries, women journalists and human rights activists are the victims of violence, imprisonment, intimidation and censorship, just as men are. Some of them may be preferred targets. The vulnerability of women journalists varies considerably from one geographic region to another.

It is hard not to mention last month’s appalling assault on Lara Logan of CBS News in Egypt, at the time of President Hosni Mubarak’s fall from power.It is symptomatic of the risks that women run when they work as journalists

Sunday, 6 March 2011

Afghanistan: Land of Injustice and Warlords


By Hanan Habibzai 
Nearly two weeks ago, [on 7 August 2010] some eight Aid Workers were put to death; this has further made the life insecure in Afghanistan where peace and development are most desired. Such wanton killings only further destabilise the country and the region.
Today Afghanistan is home to the US and NATO forces who landed here for some hidden agendas but the declared objectives were to bring peace and development to Afghanistan, that’s not only a distant dream but its totally ignored.
These foreign forces have patronised their warlords who are working through them to firm their grip over the country but they are getting a strong resistance from the people all over the country. Northern Allience’s Qasim Fahim and Karim Khalili the first and second deputies of Afghan President Hamid Karzai and his chief of army staff  Abdul Rashid Dostum have become the instruments of warlordism and  criminal activities.
mass-grave of thousands of Taliban prisoners in Northern Afghanistan.
They massacred thousands of Taliban prisoners just after the fall of Taliban regime in late 2001. So far, the remnants of those prisoners who have been brutally massacred have now appeared as key part of remerged Taliban fighters and they are fighting to bring the mass murderers to the so called justice.
Concerns about the security of aid workers:
Even though, killing and kidnapping is an everyday business in Afghanistan but the recent killing of foreign aid workers not only hurt international allies of the war torn country but the needy Afghans were also deprived of relief aid and other facilities as a consequence of such killings.
Foreign aid workers have suffered enormous causality, since US-led invasion of Afghanistan in late 2001, but the bloody ambush remind again that apart from the Taliban there is another gangster group who trying to keep Afghanistan an insecure state.
It is true that the mountains of Afghanistan have been occupied by the Taliban but international military operations are under way against them to mark an end to the activities of the Taliban and its allies but none have succeeded to silence or oust the Taliban.
The most dreadful foes are the warlords who are committing atrocity under the patronage of the strong officials and often perpetrate such offences without any fear. Such warlords have their strong holds where no one can enter without their permission and that costs money and obedience where no logic applies. This warlord culture is pushing the people towards the Taliban who are gaining strength by the day.  The powerful warlords have direct ties with Iran, India, Russia and other foreign countries encouraging their interests in Afghanistan.
After the fall of Taliban regime in 2001 when US-led troops went to Afghanistan, they backed a government formed by war criminals that are not loyal to humanity. The same people who were in power after the fall of last communist regime of Afghanistan in 1990.
As soon as they held the power a civil war took place in the streets of Afghanistan. Hundreds of thousands innocents were killed. They looted the cities and the villages, bribery became the order of the day, illegal taxes are just to demand and the poor have no option but to pay. Yet they do the same under official circumstances.
Northern Alliance's armed group torturing an injured Taliban prisoner.
The atrocities led to Taliban appear on the scene. The triggering incident was that in Kandahar, a favourite of a warlord had abducted and confined a woman in his house whom he would rape every day. One day Taliban were passing in front of that house when they heard the screams of a woman seeking help.
On entering the house, they found a woman who was chained and was subjected to rape at the will and desire of the warlord worker. Taliban recovered the woman and later took the criminal into custody, held an open trial and punished them within no time.  This quick justice gave a fresh breath to all the oppressed, suppressed and voiceless people of the area who welcomed the Taliban.
In 1995 and they destroyed the warlords and war criminals and brought peace and justice to the area. Henceforth, Taliban were welcomed where ever they went and they established their rule over Afghanistan without any fight accept for the Northern Alliance who were being backed by the outside powers like Russia, India, Iran etc.
Later in 2001, when the US invaded Afghanistan, they brought the same warlords into power who once again resorted to their old methods of harass, loot and kill. By any chance, these warlords were not the alternative of the Taliban but once again the people are suffering but for few and the voices of the suppressed people are further suppressed under the US and NATO.
Only Justice can bring peace in Afghanistan:
Peace cannot come without Justice, which means the prosecution of war criminals and warlords in Afghanistan. Similarly like the prosecution of Radovan Karadzic. The same experience will mark the end of business to crime and dirty work in Afghanistan too.
The genocide committed by Bosnian Serbs under Mr Karadzic in 1992-1995 finally took him to the justice.After his arrest the former Serb Leader appeared in Hague.   His tribunal was debut for war crime in Afghanistan.The impression of war crimes is an idea new to Afghanistan. All Afghan people are looking for justice for their offenders.
Most recently Liberia’s former President Charles Taylor has appeared in Hague. The charges associated to his role in the bloodshed of neighbouring Sierra Leone where he apparently supported rebels responsible for widespread atrocities.
Afghanistan’s violent foes should also be brought under similar legal circumstances to avoid crime against humanity in Afghanistan. The only way remains which can take the country back to peace.
They have killed hundred of thousands innocent during 1990s as well as after the fall of Taliban regime.
Abdul Rashid Dostum has become the instruments of war crime.
The widespread corruption and drug business is link with their work that is at its highest level.Lack of justice turned the criminals across Afghanistan very impudence and they are getting around with no fear of legal prosecution because the judicial system is hugely dominated by warlords and corrupt officials.
Afghanistan faces of state terrorism:
In early December 2003 when a Pakistani engineer became the first victim of violence in Ghanzi province, the Afghan Interior Minister of the time Ali Ahmad Jalali urged the killers were not connected to the Taliban.
Five armed men were arrested in connection with the attack on road constructor but few months later the suspected attackers had been freed.  The justice has been ignored.
Now, seven years later, the number of foreign aid workers dead in Afghanistan reached to its highest total. The recent killing of a group of aid workers in Badkhshan brought the number to 154. A figure published in June this year shown the number of foreign aid workers killed in Afghanistan 146.
This is a high cost foreign aid agencies are paying in Afghanistan. Including Afghan population, the key victims of injustice are aid workers, journalists and investors.
On June 7, 2008 a Journalist Abdul Samad Rohani was abducted from the heart of Lashkar Gah, the main city of Helmand province where Afghan government’s control is strong. His dead body was then left in a nearby cemetery.
Few days before his killing Rohani had discovered a secret jail run by Helmand police in Nawa district; this became the reason for his elimination by the Police. The initial impression was that Rohani had been abducted by the Taliban and killed but the truth came out when Helmand Governor Gulab Mangal stated in June this year that the journalist was kidnapped and killed by Afghan Security Officials. Declaring ‘’I’m unable to arrest the killers’’.
Rohani 25, was the oldest son of a family of seven children. He was married and he left behind two widows and two children daughter Zahra and son, Amran.
On November 1, 2008 another similar killing proved the government of Hamid Karzai involved in the series of killings and kidnapping civilian figure.  Mohammad Ashraf Dustukhel a trader has been assassinated just a few meters from a key police check point near Afghan Presidential Palace and Ministry of Defence. Interior ministry’s record shows that sixteen police officer were present in check point in the same time. Despite continuing calls for justice his family was unsuccessful to bring the killers to the court.
Now, shall we think ahead who might commit the massacre of aid workers?
Badkhshan’s armed groups:
However, the atrocity has been attributing to Taliban but local support for Taliban militancy is very trifling in Badkhshan, north of the country, the Northern Alliance rules that area.
The people loyal to different Northern Alliance’s faction are still carrying illegal arms and some of them have been employed in the Police Force, this has given them the power to act as they wish and subdue the people and make them respond to their demands no matter what. Some of these people are made carriers of drugs and some are deployed to kill and harass others.
The province is very far from the control of law and order. Badkhshan is located near Tajikistan a very easy region for traffickers to transport drug to Central Asia and to Russia. The traffickers need an insecure region to allow drug industry to secure the illegal business.
The pure sacrifices of foreign nationals are happen because of injustice promoted by the warlords holding Afghanistan’s official power. Aid workers and Afghan civilians are paying the high price.
Only the removal of key warlords and gangsters within current Afghan government can decrease illegal armed activities. It will improve Afghanistan’s security for local population as well as for aid workers. The justice should be restored.
Without Pakistan, real peace cannot be achieved in the region, same time its also imperative to involve Taliban in the peace process and open the doors to them without any discrimination.

Thursday, 3 March 2011

Intelligence says, a Pul-i-Charkhi prisoner was guiding suicide bombers

Intelligence says, a Pul-i-Charkhi prisoner was guiding suicide bombers

Jafar Haand ,from Kabul ,Feb10, 2011 GMT. 11:29

Translation: By Hanan Habibzai

Originiol story in Pashto available here : http://www.bbc.co.uk/pashto/afghanistan/2011/02/110210_hj-nds-terrorists.shtml

Afghan National Security Directorate that frequently reports the arresting of some terrorist groups and circles, once again announced the arresting of two terrorist groups on Thursday which according to the directorate had been involved in a number of attacks in Afghanistan.

The spokesman of the Intelligence Lutfullah Mashal says, one of arrested groups had also planned the attack on a trade market ‘Finest’ located in the capital Kabul which resulted the killing of some civilians.

Mr.Mashal says, this group was directed from Miran Shah to attack the Finest trade centre and says, they targeted Finest because they had been told that French soldiers and their leaders are there.

Mr.Mashal says, arrested people accepted their terrorist activities and says their confession will help intelligence arrest other terrorists as well: ((undoubtedly the arrest of these people helps us arrest their other companions. Hence we can prevent terrorist incidents.))

Mr. Mashal said, the second group intended to attack foreign forces and diplomatic establishments in Afghanistan.

Mashal said, this group was also responsible to bring in attackers from outside the country.

This time most important development of attacks is the fact that the National Security says some prisoners in Puli-e-Charkhi prison were planning suicide attacks in Kabul.

Mashal said, they have recognised one person in this connection and then they have started investigating him.

During the details in this regard Mr.Mashal said, the arrested person has been in the prison for three years and with the help of his visitor he had been guiding the suicide attackers in Kabul.

He did not give details on how this prisoner had been guiding the suicide attackers from inside a jail.

National Security showed some to the journalists, wearing prison’s cloths and apparently giving information to the journalists about their activities. In this group there were also some young boys who were saying their families sent them to Pakistan for education but some people encouraged them to do suicide attack.

This is not yet clear whether these people confessed by force and pressure or so, but intelligence says the arrested people had direct links with Pakistan’s Lashker-e-Taiba and Jalaluddin Haqani network.
_____________________________________________________________________


جعفر هاند

له کابله
لطف الله مشعل


د افغانستان ملي امنيت چې هر څو ورځې وروسته د ځينو ترهګرو ډلو او کړيو د نيولو خبر ورکوي د پنجشنبې پر ورځ يې بيا ددوو داسې ترهګرو ډلو د نيولو اعلان وکړ چې د دوی په وينا په افغانستان کې يې په يو شمېر بريدونه کې لاس درلود.




د استخباراتو وياند لطف الله مشعل وايي د نيول شويو ډلو څخه يوې يې د پلازمنې کابل په يوه سوداګريز مارکېټ فانيسټ کې شوی بريد هم پلان کړی و چې په پايله کې يې څو ولسي وګړي ووژل شول .


ښاغلي مشعل وايي دغې ډلې ته په فانيسټ سوداګريز مرکز کې د بريد لارښوونه له مېرانشاه څخه شوې وه او وايي فانيسټ يې ځکه په نښه کړ چې ورته ويل شوي ول دغلته فرانسوي سرتېري او د هغوی مشران دي .




ښاغلی مشعل وايي نيول شويو کسانو خپل ترهګريز کړه وړه منلي او وايي د دوی منښه به له استخباراتو سره مرسته وکړي چې نور ترهګر هم ونيسي: ((له شکه پرته د دغو کسانو نيول له موږ سره مرسته کوي چې د هغوی نور ملګري ونيسو. په دې ډول به وکولی شو چې د ترهګرو پېښو مخه ونيسو.))
 ښاغلي مشعل وويل دويمې ډلې بيا نيت درلود چې په په افغانستان کې پر بهرنيو ځواکونو او ديپلوماتيکو تاسيساتو بريدونه وکړي.



مشعل وويل چې دغې ډلې دا دنده هم درلوده چې هېواد ته له بهره بريدګر راولي .



د بريدونو دا ځل تر ټولو مهم پرمختګ دا بلل کېږي چې ملي امنيت وايي د څرخي پله يو شمېر زندانيانو په کابل کې د ځانمرګو بريدونو پلانونه جوړول .

مشعل وويل په دې تړاو يې يو تن پېژندلی او بيا يې تر پلټنې پيل کړې دي.

ښاغلي مشعل په دې اړه د جزياتو په لړ کې وويل نيول شوی کس له دريو کلونو راهېسې په زندان کې و،او د پايوازانو په مرسته به يې په کابل کې ځانمرګو بريدګرو ته لارښوونه کوله .

هغه په دې اړه جزيات ور نه کړل چې دغه بندي څه ډول له زندانه دننه ځانمرګي رهبري کول .

ملي امنيت يو شمېر هم خبريالانو ته وښودل چې د زندانيانو جامې يې په تن کې وې او ظاهرا يې د خپلو فعالیتونو په اړه خبريالانو ته معلومات ورکړل . په دغې ډله کې تنکی ژڼی هم و چې ويل يې کورنۍ يې د درس لپاره پاکستان ته استولی و خو يو شمطر کسانو و هڅاوه چې ځانمرګی بريد وکړي.

دا لا روښانه نه ده چې دغو کسانو د فشار او زور له کبله اقرار کړی او که څنګه خو استخبارات وايي وايي نيول شويو کسانو د پاکستان له لشکر طيبه او د جلالدين حقاني له شبکې سره نېغ په نېغه اړيکي لرل.